Gen. Conway’s conduct is amazing. I am hurt for Lord Hertford; I shall propose the dismissing instantly, for in this question I am personally concerned. 
endeavour to make him explicit…viz. whether he did actually mean to join the Opposition, or that the votes he had given upon the late questions were merely from opinion, and that in other measures he would fairly and roundly support the King’s government. 
Determined to take that part I should choose hereafter without making myself responsible for it to any person whatever, and should only add that my obligations to some particular persons…who were understood to be in opposition, were such that if hereafter I should happen in any degree to differ from them, I should steer my conduct so as not to be in any shape the better for it… 
Had a surprise been intended…the minority would have been better provided with numbers; but it certainly had not been concerted. 
I thought I lived in a free country. We have already chosen to give up our own privilege, and now we are afraid to inquire on what grounds it is taken from us.
fire, rapidity, argument, knowledge, wit, ridicule, grace, spirit; all pouring like a torrent, but without clashing. Imagine the House in a tumult of continued applause: imagine the ministers thunderstruck; lawyers abashed and almost blushing, for it was on their quibbles and evasions he fell most heavily, at the same time answering a whole session of arguments on the side of the court. No, it was unique…
General Conway spoke for the Question, with more strength and ability, than ever was known, as a Gentleman, as a Lawyer, and a great Parliament Man.
If the accused were acquitted first, the general question would not be left entire; for could the House vote that general warrants were illegal, after it should have voted that they who executed these warrants were blameless. 
We have been and still are employed in forming the Question…We have had some Rubbs in the course of it; such as C. Yorke’s differing totally with Conway, and in some measure at one time with Mr. Pitt; but by great Prudence and very good behaviour of C. Yorke, all that is quite over.
Showed how totally the original question and the proposed alteration of it differed…that if anything could authorize a general warrant, it was treason. By inserting that word, the Ministers betrayed the badness of their own cause; he feared they were a little tender; that they could not bear the last division. He honoured the lights of the law, but feared the House had a little too much of them: yet could these learned men prove that treason and sedition were the same?...Separate the questions, and vote, if you can, that the warrant was legal. 
I never gave a single vote against the Ministry, but in the questions on the great constitutional point of the warrants…I refused being of the opposition club, or to attend any one meeting of the kind, from a principle of not entering into a scheme of opposition…my overt acts have been only voting as any man might from judgment, only in a very extraordinary and serious question of privilege and personal liberty; the avowing my friendship and obligation to some few now in opposition, and my neglecting to pay court to those in the administration; that seemed to me both an honest and an honourable part in my situation, which was something delicate. 
Your Grace is really too good in having a single uneasy thought on my account…I never felt my heart more perfectly light in the whole course of my life; because I am quite sure I have nothing, not even a thought to reproach myself with, and then one can never be in a situation to give one’s friends uneasiness.
I don’t exactly know from what particular quarter the blow comes; but I must think that Lord Bute has at least a share in it, as, since his return, the countenance of the King, who used to speak to me, after all my votes, is visibly altered, and of late he has not spoke to me at all.
Our duty to our Country, and our regard to the honor, and true interest of the King, made it incumbent upon us to try, and to attempt the removal of an Administration which had conducted the King’s affairs in the manner they had done.
Our first principle was, that L. Bute’s Power was dangerous etc. and therefore to be resisted. Our second arose from Mr. G. Grenville’s conduct as a Minister, whose measures and opinions we opposed, and afterwards corrected. 
For himself he was independent: he could wait; and supposed, if not soon, something would turn up at last. That he would oppose occasionally, but did not think it reasonable to say, It shall do now, or I will not try.
If we should discourage the warmth and zeal of our friends; and even refuse to concur with them…we should certainly forfeit all our credit with them; and what is more to be regarded, dissolve the Whig party, for aught I know, for ever. 
He exhorted everybody to support the King’s government, ‘which I, ‘said he, ‘ill-used as I have been, wish and mean to support—not that of ministers, when I see the laws and independence of Parliament struck at in the most profligate manner.’
I hear you are of opinion, that some other business, the affair of the Manillas, the Canada bills, etc., should be brought on, in the mean time, to keep up the spirits of our friends; in which I entirely concur.
The opening of the Budget, and the new loan of 1,500,000 for the discharge of the Navy bills…will furnish very good matter of debate…I hope you will be so good, as to turn your thoughts a little that way. 
The young warm men against the bill…the listlessness of the party was now converted into blind zeal: and a direct opportunity of reviling the Princess and Lord Bute seemed already…a triumph over them.
‘Why,’ said Mr. Conway, ‘if the Ministers should break, to which division would you go?’ ‘Certainly,’ said I, ‘to Lord Bute and Mr. Pitt, rather than to the Bedfords.’ He declared he should prefer the latter.
They would not vote in the question of the Princess, but on the third reading of the bill, when their vote would not be personal to her.