Such indecency certainly calls for the notice and animadversion of the legislature; and is really of the most dangerous consequence to the state; when the sovereign and the chief magistrates are publicly exposed in that light and contemptible manner, it must greatly lessen the authority of the government, and may by the increase of such a liberty tend to the subversion of it.
condemned to go to the assizes at Carrickfergus in the County of Antrim and then and there to be barbarously and inhumanely set up as candidate for the ensuing election of a member to represent the said county.
Mr. Pelham told me: the King had mentioned the Duke’s particular recommendation of you for one of the vacant regiments to him; had been pleased himself to say you was a brave young fellow, and a good officer, and felt himself disposed to do it: but said fairly at the same time he must own he had one difficulty that remained with him; which was a fondness that you had shown by a vote or two you had given for popular bills and which he was apprehensive might extend to your whole way of thinking upon matters of that kind….
Col. Conway’s speaking for the question was matter of surprise to those who knew in what manner he had treated it in his private conversation: He allowed there were inconveniences in taking these forces again, but they were overbalanced by much greater, which would attend the turning them off;==his performance was a handsome one.
Avoid faction, and never enter the House prepossessed; but attend diligently to the debate, and vote according to you conscience and not for any sinister end whatever.
So much for politics. If I go on any farther You’ll think I have caught the contagion and am grown as politically mad as any of my countrymen, but you must know for all this that nobody is so indifferent in party matters. I seldom think about them, and when I do I sometimes think one in the wrong and sometimes t’other, but commonly both; when I am angry at either side I rail and for that moment am courtier or patriot just as it happens…
I am afraid I could see the balance of Europe shake with tolerable philosophy if he quiet possessions of my friends and attachments were secured to me. I wish all the world happy with all my heart, but they will give me leave to wish myself so too. I would even sacrifice a great deal to make them really so, but not to nourish the pride of any system or any faction, great or little, in the universe…I only wish them all of one mind in politics and religion…
I am going [to] be loaded with honours that I am so far from coveting at the present…’Tis thus, my dear Horry, that we are hurried down the stream of life, always looking one way and rowing another…Here I am obliged to give a forced preference to a situation that the world thinks more honourable, when I should think myself more happy in following inclinations that would lead me a more private but a pleasanter way, and I believe make me a better, and, if anything would, an abler man: I don’t pretend to be so philosophical as to divest myself of all ambition but I can’t help thinking that deserving honours without being in possession of them is more honourable…than being loaded like a herald with badges that belong to other people…
I think it is barely possible I may be happy one time or other; but if I am not to be so in the way I desire, I assure you neither honour, nor interest, nor regiments, nor generalships, nor kingdoms can give it me.
I have formed no sort of alliance or connexion. I don’t know how it is some people are made so that they form friendships in a moment and stick like burrs to the first person they meet…Adieu! dear Horry. Je m’en tiens a mes anciens…
I have no notion of any other happiness but the enjoyment of one’s friends and connections, and, of course, can think nothing so valuable as their regard.
I shall act in concert with that body of gentlemen who are without doors called the old corps; a body of men, who, with scarce any other bias or encouragement then that of voting agreeably to their own sentiments, have never swerved from pursuing an uniform conduct for the preservation of the present establishment.
He will say, “the party will not come into it;” the party this, and the party that: but I could never understand what the party was; I have endeavour’d to learn, and I could never find that the party was anything else, but the Duke of Devonshire, and his son, and old Horace Walpole.
A constitutional resistance is that made against an administration, which advises he sovereign to incroach upon the liberties of the people, or the privileges of parliament, and to pursue measures, evidently subversive of the constitution. A factious resistance, is that which is offered to a just and wise government, and a sovereign who has ever made the law of the land the rule of his conduct; and this resistance has never any other origin, than private or party interest, or resentment. Constitutional resistance is the true Whig principle.
I see as strongly as you can all the arguments for your breaking off’ but, indeed, the alteration of your fortune adds very little strength to what they had before. You never had fortune enough to make such a step at all prudent.
My mind begins to be formed a little to dependence. I find it is my lot, and I must endeavour to bear it with as little reluctance as possible; and as this [Walpole’s offer] would be only a change of dependence, I could certainly place it nowhere so well, as upon one whom I even feel a pleasure in being obliged to, as I would be bound to him [his brother] by all possible ties.
I would not change my profession for any other I know; and yet at the same time I had rather be a scrivener, an exciseman, what you will, than a mere soldier and command armies; for your mere soldier I take to be as far removed from humanity as any wild beast in Libya; unknowing, unpolished, unsociable, with savage manners, narrow principles, and a weak head to govern a strong heart. He thinks all life confined to the army, and hardly knows that there exist human creatures wearing brown coats or black gowns; and even within the verge of his own profession his pride and ambition make him hate all above him and despise all below him. He loves you furiously, but would cut your throat at any time to give half-a-dozen fools like himself an opinion of his courage. He loves his country too in general, vehemently, but hates every individual in it; and is through conscience and duty professed enemy to all mankind besides.
I look upon soldiers as men and not as beasts of burden, and I could wish that those who think so lightly of their merit or their service were to make a trial of what they undergo.
You have one spice of madness! Your admiration of your master leaves me a glimmering of hope, that you will not always be so unreasonably reasonable….Indeed, your master is not behind-hand with you; you seem to have agreed to puff one another.
In 1746, as Cumberland set out on the last campaign against the Jacobites, Horace Walpole wrote,
The Duke; the soldiers adore him;…he has a lion’s courage, vast vigilance and activity; and, I am told, great military genius…Lord Bury and Mr. Conway, two of his aides-de-camp, and brace as he, are gone with him:…The ministry would have kept back Mr. Conway, as being in Parliament; which when the Duke told hi, he burst into tears, and protested that nothing should hinder his going—and he is gone.
When Fox was Secretary of State in Newcastle’s administration, the Duke of Cumberland, his patron, acted as whip for the officers in the House. ‘I spoke to the Duke this morning,’ wrote Fox to Newcastle on 20 March 1756, ‘who most cordially assured me that he would have every officer applied to that he could.’ 
When this custom was first introduced, I cannot determine; but I think it was never established by any article of war, before 1747, when our usual articles of war underwent many and great alterations, most of which were unnecessary even for the strictest discipline, and could serve no purpose but that of vesting an absolute and despotic power in the chief commander of our army. 
There is now no country in the world where their armies enjoy so much freedom, or so much security against being oppressed by their commanders, as both the officers and soldiers of our British Army enjoy.
George Townshend presented a vehement petition from one Don Juan Compagni, a Minorchese, who had been barbarously treated by Anstruther [Governor of Minorca]…Mr. Pitt spoke warmly for the petition,…Mr. Fox ridiculed this warmth;…Mr. Conway spoke for the Order of the Day; but asking if the intention was to hear the cause, and Pitt telling him it was, he then spoke and voted for the petition…no English Whigs but Pitt, Conway, and the three Grenvilles in the minority. 
He still talks of seeing you; as the Parliament is to meet soon, I should think he will scarce have time, though I don’t hear he is sent for, or that they will have occasion to send for anybody, unless they want to make an Opposition.
I am advised to say little of my Italian voyage for fear it should be ill taken at Court…For the Parliament there’s an end of my returning; there ‘s no want of anyone there as you tell Mr. Mann without they first pick an opposition, but I’m afraid they won’t send for me even for that though last year I got an ill name…
As to the regiment, if I had not wished for it very much, I should not have been prevailed upon to ask for it, though even now I by no means repent of having done it, as the manner in which I was received gave me reason to think I retained some little share in his R[oyal] H[ighness’] good opinion.
Upon the principle…that every act of power should be warranted by the authority of an Act of Parliament, if there be the least doubt whether it can constitutionally be exerted by virtue of prerogative alone.
You will see something very different from the staring boys that come in flocks to you new once a year like woodcocks. Mr. Conway is deservedly reckoned one of the first and most rising young men in England: he has distinguished himself in the greatest style both in the army and in Parliament.
What will be their fates I know not; but this Mr. Townshend and Mr. Conway seemed marked by nature for leaders, perhaps for rivals in the government of their country. The quickness of genius is eminently with the first, and a superiority of application; the propriety and amiableness of character with the latter. One grasps at fortune; the other only seems pleased to accept fortune when it advances to him. The one foresees himself equal to everything, the other finds himself so whenever he essays. Charles Townshend seems to have no passion but ambition; Henry Conway not even to have that. The one is impetuous and unsteady; the other, cool and determined. Conway is indolent, but can be assiduous; Charles Townshend can only be indefatigable. The latter would govern mankind for his own sake; the former, for theirs.