A time of much relaxation of order, a time of luxury, a time of corruption, of general corruption, a time of faction.
Any violent and intemperate persecution of this man will revert upon the government which attempts it, and tend to the destruction of the country. 
Could not chuse to give his opinion as to the mode of best affecting what he did not think an eligible measure; I cannot suspect that so unfair a motive as the love of Popularity guides him on this occasion, tho I lament in this instance not having his cordial support…in a measure whereon almost my Crown depends. 
Having declared against violent measures, they would not concur in it; and disapproved Wilkes’ attacks on the Government, they will not defend him. 
The custom and usage of nations, as well as the custom and usage of Parliament, is the law of nations. 
There is a moment when a man ought to change his opinion: but the man ought to take care that…the changes are not made at the moment his interest induces him to make them.
The maxim of ‘not men but measures,’ is an insignificant maxim. If I see any set of men acting systematically wrong, and consider their intentions toward the public are evil, in that case I declare that no acts of such men ought to be supported…If you support these men for a year in doing wrong acts, it is confirming their power to do wrong always. 
It is not enough…that a man means well to his country; it is not enough that in his single person he never did an evil act, but always voted according to his conscience, and even harangued against every design which he apprehended to be prejudicial to the interests of his country. This innoxious and ineffectual character…falls miserably short of the mark of public duty…It is surely no very rational account of a man’s life, that he has always acted right; but has taken special care, to act in such a manner that his endeavours could not possibly be productive of any consequences. 
As long as it was a question of Mr. Wilkes, I did not concern myself in it; but now it is become the case of the people at large…those who think to set up the liberty of the people against the liberty of parliament, will find themselves mistaken. To strike at the liberty and power of the House of Commons, is to strike at the very foundation of the constitutional liberties of this country.
You lay the axe to the root of the constitution…if there is a doubt whether a man who is capable of taking his seat shall take place of a man who is incapable. 
Did it become Burke, an Irish adventurer, to treat the House of Commons with such unexampled violence? Do you think…that the majority will bear to hear themselves abused daily? Do you think we are more afraid than you are? Was it come to calling names, or to cutting throats? 
He had no objection to Lord North, but had no connection with him; for the Bedfords, he knew they were his enemies…
There is but one way of drawing a revenue from America; and that is by requisition…I have ever disclaimed the idea of making a revenue of those duties…With regard to the tea duty, I must condemn it…as an uncommercial measure. 
to speak against lenity; to condemn the idea of temporizing; to declare that…the very gentleness, the very forbearance of this House, has been the principal source of all our late disturbances, and that mildness any longer, will be the only torch which can possibly set the constitution in flames.
It is the identical, self-same assembly thus contemned, thus defied, that constitutes the good people of England; that the people of England till our legal dissolution can possibly have no existence but within these walls; and that the voice which denies our authority without doors, hurls a treason against the majesty of the British people. 
I know a little of Irish politics. They were at the bottom of all this…Instead of being patriots, I look upon the stirrers up of this business as a set of factious men. It is impossible they can be considered as acting for the good of their country.
With all my love for America, I do not see why the inhabitants of Boston should be exempted from that protection, which the peaceable inhabitants wished to enjoy. They were anxious to have the troops amongst them. They saw, that without such protection, there was no law nor government. 
I do not believe there is a more sacred principle in the constitution, and I have heard with pain the attempts lately made to infringe it. I allow that the evil calls for a remedy, and that parliamentary inquiry is necessary; but I see so little hope of success, that if such an inquiry was now to take place, I am afraid parliament would disgrace itself. 
for a minority to compel a majority to come to a decision by moving adjournment upon adjournment, then there is an end of every idea of our being a parliament; then is the House turned into a beargarden. 
If the privileges of the city of London could be set up against our privileges, we should be no longer a parliament; nevertheless, it will not misbecome us to pay attention to that great body, as far as we can. 
If we have not spirit to maintain an essential privilege, struck at in so unprecedented a manner, let the mob that is now at our door come in and drag us from our seats. While we sit here we must act like men…If we do not, the mace of the city, like Aaron’s rod, will swallow up your mace, and the House, despoiled of all its honours, will be left a bare and fleshless carcass. 
Whenever the honourable gentleman accuses any one, his language is milk and honey; mine all gall and bitterness! As the House well knows, the practice of the honourable gentleman is be begin mildly and gently, as if honey were falling from his lips, as if he was diffident and uncertain how to proceed, and afterwards to lay furiously about him. 
Why take a part in this bill in the situation you are in?...why not do as others do? You cannot turn the fate of the bill!—why break through your connections?
The Parliament was no longer a parliament. After Rome fell there was a form of parliament, but only the skeleton. 
Nothing less than non-taxation…can be the olive branch…if his Majesty’s ministers have the least thoughts of putting an end to taxation, let them adopt it now at once, and it will put an end to everything. 
we are the aggressors and innovators, and not the colonies. We have irritated and forced laws upon them for these six or seven years last past…all these things have served no other purpose but to distress and perplex. I think the Americans have done no more than every subject would do in an arbitrary state, where laws are imposed against their will.
The unhappy divided state of both countries, and…the dreadful consequences which must follow, should the sword be once drawn, and the whole empire convulsed with the horrors of a civil war.
Our troops could never be sufficient to make such extensive dominions submit. 
He did not imagine there could be any struggle in the mind of a military man so dreadful, as any doubts of this kind. There was a great difference between a foreign war, where the whole community was involved, and a domestic war on points of civil contention, wherein the community was divided…a military man, before he drew his sword against his fellow subjects, ought to ask himself whether the cause was just or no? 
defending against the arm of power, what God and nature have given them, and no human power can justly wrest from them; the glorious privileges of the Revolution…
though he had some time ago given offence by declaring his opinion that an officer who disapproved the American war ought not to serve in it, the case was different with regard to France.
We must set our faces to it: Despondence can but augment our evils…tis a time for action only and dispatch if anything can save us. 
I feel as you do, the utility and necessity of all kinds of peace, mais le moyen? To be ’angry and sin not,’ is of all, I believe, the hardest lesson among men. You say ‘Parliament should correct faults and punish crimes:’ but that peace at home is necessary, to make vigorous war, or procure peace abroad.’ True—but how to correct faults, or punish crimes, and yet keep peace at home?
To find fault is to discompose. There is, it would seem; no difference without squabbling, nor finding fault without giving offense; and the dilemma of the peaceably-disposed and unambitious men is sometimes great, in certain situations.
I have neither promoted country meetings, nor mad associations, nor signed petitions, nor remonstrances, nor been for botching the constitution by short parliaments, and equal representation. I see defects in our constitution, which is an excellent piece of patchwork, but I don’t know how to mend them. The Parliament, I am afraid, would not if they could, unless they are mended themselves; and I dread the heavy hand of the people in such operations.
Not for yielding dishonourably, but for more exertion, and so I have long been; and I must say for myself…that though condemning the war, I have never opposed any of the means for carrying it on. 
There was no member of the House more looked up to, both for talents, probity, military knowledge, and experience than General Conway.
Must he go up to his royal master, and give him assurance that he would support him with his life and fortune, in that which he was convinced would bring ruin upon his country? He should be a traitor to his King and country if he was to act in this manner. 
we were not to march, but we were to fight; we were not to fight to reduce America, but still we were to fight, and to continue in America. It was not to be continental, and it was to be continental; it was to be offensive, and it was not to be offensive. 
had not said a syllable of withdrawing our troops from the places which they actually held; he had not advised any such measure; and he would not advise it; perhaps he would rather condemn it.
We are beat completely…General Conway, not contented with carrying the question, moved an Address to the King to be presented by the whole House, in order to make the measure as grievous and insulting as possible to his best benefactor. 
All our hopes, all our expectations, all our wishes,… depended on a system of incorruptibility, and not on a system of corruptibility…in whatever situation he might be, whether that of a minister, or a private member of that House, he should always be the direct, avowed, and most determined foe to corruption. 
it was the fate of his right hon. Friend to be the last to discover those things which struck every man alive; and experience ought to have sharpened his penetration. 
produced a present actual unanimity at home, to be shortly followed (though on the same yielding principle) by an equal reconciliation with America. All this is the completion of my system, which you and I have sometimes debated about…I shall not triumph, till the effects are more clear and complete. 
The acknowledgment of independence might be a leading argument for their making peace with us; but should they refuse peace, should we not weaken our right of warring on them by having acknowledged their independence.
All the fine structure I thought was formed for saving the Country seems crumbling to pieces in one unhappy moment. Caballing about posts and power takes place of the public interest, by which all solidity at home and confidence abroad is in imminent danger of being destroyed. 
Provided the measures were good, it was a matter of perfect indifference to him…whether this minister was called a Shelburnite or a Rockinghamite.
If he were to be asked who was the person who of all others had contributed the most to the misfortune of the American war? he should be tempted to say, the right hon. general.
If the well wishers to their country should retire, it would make it absolutely necessary for ministry to apply to those very persons for support, who had been driven out by them. 
The provisional agreement was a full, absolute, and irrevocable recognition of the independence of America. It had naturally been the desire of ministers…to conclude a separate treaty with America; but finding…that that was impracticable…they made a treaty, the provisions of which the Americans would claim whenever they thought proper so to do—a treaty recognizing their independence, which was to take place whenever a peace should happen between this country and France… 
tho’ losing perhaps something of dignity, gains so much in point of freedom and propriety agreeable to my own feelings, as to be the only one I could take with any degree of satisfaction. 
These were circumstances as well known as the unconstitutional means were known, that had been used to produce the event that had happened…he hoped due means would be found to bring the charge of having used the name of the person who wore the Crown as a means of defeating a Bill of the first importance home to the criminals… 
A system of Administration (and one having flaws too in it) forced upon His Majesty, I much dislike; but a system against the bent of the House of Commons, and supported only by the Crown, I take it to be impracticable. 
the former quitted his office because he found about the throne something greater than the King himself; while the latter was avowedly introduced into the cabinet by that very something which had driven his noble father from it.
It is now that the House of Commons answers the end of its institution, and proves itself, not in speculation, but in practice, the glorious palladium of our rights. 
To take his share of the humiliation in which the House was sunk; he had hitherto been fool enough to consider the House of Commons as of consequence to the country, and weight in the constitution; but the right hon. gentleman had undeceived him; he had triumphed over the House of Commons, and proved it to be a cypher.
Public peace was what ought to have been cultivated; and if any man had, from punctilio, pride, personal consideration, or emolument, declined that union which could alone save the country, he would not hesitate to call him an enemy to his country. 
It is only those who…have had the opportunity of penetrating into the most secret motives of his public conduct, and the inmost recesses of his private life, that can do real justice to the unsullied purity of his character—who like the editor saw and knew him in the evening of his days, retired from the honourable activity of a soldier and a statesman to the calm enjoyment of private life, happy in the resources of his own mind, and in the cultivation of useful science in the bosom of domestic peace—unenriched by pensions or places, undistinguished by titles or ribbons, unsophisticated by public life and unwearied by retirement.